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Law and Disorder March 7, 2011

Updates:

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Middle East Protests – Israel / Palestine

Uprisings have continued to sweep through the middle east from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Yemen, Iran, Iraq and China.  Economic hardships and desperate living conditions are partly the cause for some of the mass protests. In one article describing the Wisconsin protests, the journalist wrote, there were many voices this last month that raised the cry, “We are all Egyptians!”

Governments are said to be scrambling to squelch popular dissent. How will these protests begin to reshape countries in the middle east and and what government structures are standing by to replace decadent tyrannies and corrupt monarchies?  How are Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank responding to the massive dissent in nearby Arab countries?

Ali Abunimah:

  • The events over the past weeks have been historic and we still don’t know how they’re all going to play out.
  • The aspirations of Tunisians, Egyptians, Libyans, Jordanians, Palestinians are very clear.
  • What remains to be seen is if they succeed in completing the revolutions. There is a strong counter-revolutionary push, not just from old regime elements but also from the United States.
  • The mass uprising was sudden, but its important to know that there were Egyptian activists risking their lives for many many years to lay the ground for the uprising.
  • The upper echelons of the Army are fully implicated in the old regime.
  • You have a parade of Americans going to Egypt trying to minimize any shift in the region away from the Israeli-American axis and more into an independent orbit.
  • The only guarantee is the continued mobilization of Egyptian people, of Egyptian workers.
  • One of the myths in the American media is that this uprising is entirely about internal domestic issues.
  • The Rafah crossing into Palestine needs to be open permanently, the situation at the border normalized.
  • Egypt’s revolution and Israel: “Bad for the Jews”  Ilan Pappe, The Electronic Intifada, 14 February 2011
  • The view from Israel is that if they indeed succeed, the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions are very bad. They make the Israeli occupation and apartheid policies in Palestine look like the acts of a typical “Arab” regime.
  • The war in Gaza probably could not have been carried out without Egyptian complicity.
  • In Palestine, the complete death of the peace process. The Palestine Papers – revealed by Al Jazeera.
  • You can’t have functioning democracy and normal politics under Israel’s occupation.
  • Your rights are not given to you from above, you have to fight for them.

Guest – Ali Abunimah, a Palestinian American journalist and author of One Country, A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse and a co-founder of The Electronic Intifada,  a not-for-profit, independent online publication about the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Born in Washington D.C., he spent his early years in the United Kingdom and Belgium before returning to the United States to attend college.

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Cracks In The Neo-Liberal Empire

Political unrest in North Africa continue to ripple through the Middle East with some of the biggest anti-government demonstration yet in Bahrain.  Meanwhile, the protests in Libya have turned deadly as the regime’s military has killed hundreds of demonstrators.  New York Professor of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies and History Zachary Lockman joins us with an analysis on the mass protests. In Egypt, Lockman says the old political parties in Egypt have no credibility.

Professor Zachary Lockman:

  • Egypt: There were huge labor strikes going back to 2008. One of the groups that launched on January 25, called itself the April 6 youth movement – called itself that because there was supposed to be a big general strike of textile workers in 2008.
  • The tremendous demand from Egyptians which help fuel the uprising, for some kind of change to the neo-liberal economic policies that Mubarak regime implemented 20 years ago.
  • Egypt back in the 50s and 60s under the Nassir government carried through a series of social reforms.
  • The largest estates held by the largest land owners were broken up, and millions of landless peasants even if they didn’t get land, they could farm some land and have reasonable security.
  • Those kinds of things were rolled back in the 1990s under pressure from the IMF and the World Bank and with the approval of US government.
  • Which means these farmers were kicked off the land in large number and ended up having to move to the cities in search of work for meager wages.
  • Much of the public sector was privatized at fire sale prices to cronies of Mubarak.
  • This is an opportunity when millions of Egyptian workers see an opportunity to create their own independent trade union movement.  One doesn’t want to downplay the heroism of the young people who took to the streets on January 25.
  • Mubarak was told to go by the generals who were told to preserve as much of the regime as possible in the face of this popular uprising. The generals now running Egypt are products of the Mubarak regime.  The danger is that we’ll have the Mubarak regime without Mubarak.
  • There is a new independent federation trade union being established in different industries. (Egypt)
  • If there is something that approaches a more representative, democratic government, that government will be less likely to take orders from Washington in the way that Mubarak was very happy to.
  • We’ve been waiting for something like this for decades, and in Egypt’s case for 30 years.
  • It opens up dramatic new possibilities on a world scale.  That boogieman of Islamic threat used to justify autocratic regimes which has been used across the region, is still there but as we’ve seen in Egypt and elsewhere, it’s time to put it aside.
  • Since the 1970s, Saudi Arabia which has been on the defensive of more nationalist Pan Arab forces asserted it’s influence to buy friends and intimidate enemies and has been the bulwark of this conservative autocratic origin in the region.

Guest – Professor Zachary Lockman, New York Professor of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies and History. He is the  author of many books including Contending Visions of the Middle East: The History and Politics of Orientalism and “Explorations in the Field: Lost Voices and Emerging Practices in Egypt, 1882-1914.”Background:  My main research and teaching field is the socioeconomic, cultural and political history of the modern Middle East, particularly the Mashriq. Under the influence of the “new social history” and “history from below” movements of the 1960s and 1970s, I did my doctoral dissertation on the emergence and evolution of a working class and labor movement in Egypt from the late nineteenth century until the Second World War; it was published in 1987 in a book co-authored with Joel Beinin.  Harvard University, Ph. D., 1983.

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Law and Disorder February 28, 2011

Updates:

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Chris Hedges – Death of the Liberal Class

We are pleased to have with us returning guest Chris Hedges. We talk with him about his new book Death of the Liberal Class. This scathing narrative cuts to heart of how the corporate state has claimed the liberal class as one of its victims.   Chris calls the liberal class ineffectual, out of touch with reality by not acknowledging that corporations have wrested power from citizens. The death of the liberal class means there is no check to a corporate apparatus designed to enrich a tiny elite that plunder the nation. The book lists the pillars of the liberal class that have been bought off with corporate money such as the media, the church, the university, the Democratic Party, the arts, and labor unions.  Chris describes these  harsh reality and sets them against the functions of a healthy liberal class in a traditional democracy.  Chris Hedges articles.

Chris Hedges:

  • The pillars of liberal establishment, liberal religious institutions, labor, public education, esp. public universities, culture, the press and finally the Democratic Party, which made incremental or piecemeal reform possible. – which watched out for the interest and the grievances of those outside of the narrow power elite – no longer function.
  • The term neo-liberalism is a reconfiguring of what it means to be a liberal in a democratic society.
  • We have figures like Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, Pelosi and others that continue to speak in those values but betrayed everyone of those values.
  • The subservience to Wall Street, the slavish catering to the permanent war economy, the failure to defend basic civil liberties, including habaes corpus. All of these have been embraces so that a liberal is ultimately on the core structural issues indistinguishable from a conservative.
  • The liberal class and liberal institutions are traditionally allowed to function in a capitalist democracy because when there is a crisis within the society the perform a formal channel or mechanism within power structure in which injustices can be alleviated.
  • The New Deal: perfect example of how the liberal class functions.
  • They have corporatized all of the pillars of the liberal establishment.
  • What kept the liberal class honest were these populist movements which held fast to moral imperatives.
  • Everything shifts in American society because you enter a culture of permanent war psychosis.
  • With the gradual coup, the corporations have carried out in the United States beginning with Reagan, accelerated by Clinton and Bush, and certainly further by Obama, we’re left powerless, we have no mechanism to fight back.
  • They understood that people were not moved to act primarily by fact or reason but could be manipulated through emotion. This is the result, we live in a society utterly saturated with lies.
  • The liberal class has been reduced the status of courtiers.
  • The corporate state is rapidly reconfiguring society into a form of neo-feudalism, where you have these speculators on Wall St earning 900 thousand dollars an hour, where you have families of four barely able to feed and sustain themselves and forget the ability to pay medical bills.
  • The elite institutions of education which charge astronomical sums essentially provide education for the elite, while we gut public education.
  • People are trained to work as cogs in the corporate structure. Inner city schools are turned into boot camps, that’s what charter schools are about, along with the ability to break teacher’s unions.
  • Everybody has there place, it solidifies a caste system. There’s no hope for escape. We are fed endless stories of few exceptions, to somehow make us think that we’re responsible for our own predicament.
  • It’s one of the most vicious things that have been visited upon the working class.
  • The liberal class is tolerated by the power elite because it castigated radicals. The figure that liberals hate most is not Glen Beck, it’s Noam Chomsky because calls out their cooperation with the power elite.
  • When the liberal class is discarded, that is how we can stand by passively as 3 million people are forced from their homes, through foreclosures and bank repossessions last year, and another 3 million this year and do nothing.
  • As these grievances mount, there is no mechanism within the structures of power or traditional institutions by which these injustices can be ameliorated.
  • They become expressed in these very frightening proto-facist movements, such as the Tea Party or demagogues like Glen Beck or Sarah Palin who give legitimacy to this anger, rage and sense of betrayal.
  • Part of their anger is directed at government and cleverly deflected away from Wall Street but at liberals. Not wrongly, the hypocrisy of the liberal class, is readily apparent from those on low end of the economic spectrum.
  • I think we should begin to engage in acts of civil disobedience because we are the last thin line of defense between a complete collapse of society.
  • The only thing we have left are physical acts of non-violence. I think its extremely important that we stop living with the illusion that we’re going to reform the Democratic Party.

Guest – Chris Hedges, American journalist, author, and war correspondent, specializing in American and Middle Eastern politics and societies. His most recent book is ‘Death of the Liberal Class (2010). Hedges is also known as the best-selling author of War is a Force That Gives Us Meaning (2002), which was a finalist for the National Book Critics Circle Award for Nonfiction. A quote from the book was used as the opening title quotation in the critically-acclaimed and Academy Award-winning 2009 film, The Hurt Locker. The quote reads: “The rush of battle is often a potent and lethal addiction, for war is a drug.”

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Federal and State Budget: Economic Analysis

We welcome returning guest Economics professor Rick Wolff. A lot of his current writing and lectures can be found at Rdwolff.net. In one of his latest articles, The Revenge of Trickle Down Economics: Differences between Democrats and Republicans, he says both are committed to a broken, corrupt system. Rick also points out that the US government plans to spend about 3.5 trillion dollars from the federal budget to shore up a dangerously slumped economy while collecting 2 trillion dollars in tax revenue – which will leave a deficit of 1.5 trillion.
Meanwhile the Democrats and Republicans debate over spending cuts that are around 40 to 60 billion. Rick says the debate is inconsequential,  when the federal budget’s projected deficit of $1.5 trillion will carry an annual interest cost of $40-60 billion. We get an update on the budget, the current economic conditions in the United States and discuss  possible alternatives with Professor Rick Wolff.

Professor Rick Wolff:

  • As the government continued to borrow in record amounts never before seen except in war time. The question was never asked, if the government is borrowing like crazy how it going to manage to pay the interest costs.
  • Here we are a couple years later and the problem has arrived.  The government now faces rising costs to cover this debt, to free up money, cut spending, lay off people, and cut programs. That money is given to the people who lent the money.
  • In the United States it’s mostly large corporations and wealthy individuals.
  • The money they lent to the government, let’s remember is the money the government didn’t tax from them.
  • Then you see the debate of who do you cut.
  • What’s off the table is the question of taxing the people who’ve become wealthy in the last 30 years. Who have profited from the stock market booms, and the stock market recoveries.  You might say those folks owe a little bit to bail us out of a national crisis.
  • In every city, the economic crisis is the key. Employed people don’t earn income tax because they don’t earn income.  People who are losing their houses aren’t buying very much so the sales tax goes down.
  • The governments either have to tax corporations or the rich, OR they can start cutting.
  • What you have in Wisconsin is the extreme version of that. Indiana, Ohio, Tennessee, New Jersey
  • The decision to cut is a decision taken without debating the alternative that’s available which is to tax the wealthy and the business community.
  • Taxing the rich: You’d only have to bring the taxes back to where they were, not raise them above any historic level. The greed and the power of the corporations is so obvious, that they’ve gotten not even to be debated.
  • The elected officials of this country act as if it weren’t there.
  • During WWII the corporate sector contributed 50 percent more in taxes than what individuals were asked to pay.  Now, individuals pay four times more into the federal government than the entire corporate income tax.
  • All the Republicans and Democrats are debating is how much and who to cut.
  • But the decision of whether to cut is always there. The American people are finally discovering that what they thought happens elsewhere, what they thought couldn’t happen here has arrived.
  • We have two political parties performing an obvious theater that has no relevance to the actuality that they’re dealing with.
  • There is no disagreement on the larger picture which is bailout the corporations, don’t tax the rich, put the burden on the mass of people, keep borrowing like there’s no tomorrow.
  • It’s a 30 year process we’re coming to the end of, of squeezing people and moving wealth upward.  When you add to that a sudden serious crisis, you’re pushing the people in the middle and the bottom over the edge.

Guest –  Richard D. Wolff is Professor of Economics Emeritus, University of Massachusetts, Amherst where he taught economics from 1973 to 2008. He is currently a Visiting Professor in the Graduate Program in International Affairs of the New School University, New York City. He also teaches classes regularly at the Brecht Forum in Manhattan.

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Law and Disorder February 21, 2011

Updates:

Mass Deception: Moral Panic and the U.S War on Iraq – Dr. Scott Bonn

The attacks of 9/11 led to a war on Iraq, although there was neither tangible evidence that the nation’s leader, Saddam Hussein, was linked to Osama bin Laden nor proof of weapons of mass destruction. How then was propaganda and distortion used to garner support for the invasion of Iraq?  Dr. Scott Bonn has a few theories, in his new book, Mass Deception: Moral Panic and US War on Iraq.  Bonn introduces a unique, integrated and interdisciplinary theory called “critical communication.”  We talk more with Scott A. Bonn, assistant professor of sociology at Drew University.  Dr Bonn teaches courses in criminology, deviance and research methods.

Professor Scott Bonn:

  • Moral Panic: a criminological concept established by Stan Cohen. An exaggerated public response and policy initiative,  the media go along for the ride.
  • The crux of it is that the people become almost dependent on the elites.
  • I was listening to the war drums pounding in 2001, 2002 and early 2003.  “Timing is everything, from a marketing view you don’t introduce new products over the summer.” – President Bush, White House Chief of Staff
  • Terminology entered the public airwaves, mad men, mad dog, evil doers, tied to imagery of 9/11.
  • I looked at the rhetoric of the Bush Administration, and then I looked at public opinion polls. Public opinion mirrored the rhetoric.
  • “Critical communication” has its foundation in Chomsky’s notion of manufacturing consent, and looking at the research of during the dawn of the Nazi party.
  • In the modern world, oppression can seem subtle, attractive and entertaining. Music, film and poetry actually can be forms of oppression if there are lies being disseminated.
  • Part of my book is that we don’t get fooled again. Let’s be critical consumers.
  • Let’s not drink the tainted kool-aid of hatred and fear without questioning what the motives of the server are.
  • 90 percent of the world’s media outlets are controlled by six conglomerates.
  • There’s ample evidence that “they” knew there were no stockpiles of mass destruction.
  • I worked in advertising, I worked at NBC, I was actually vice president at NBC. It was exactly that experience that gave me a first hand view of exactly how news is created.  It’s only news because some who has the power decides that it is.
  • As a society were not critical, scrutinizing and intellectual. There’s a tendency to passively accept what we’re told. Axis of Evil was reducing something that was highly complex, making it a lie.
  • The next time we’re told we must respond to an iminent threat and we must act on it, we must ask why?
  • Is there any objective indication that there is a threat?

Guest – Dr. Scott Bonn, Assistant Professor of Sociology at Drew University in Madison, New Jersey.  He combines the knowledge and skills of an academic scholar with more than twenty years of senior-level corporate experience as an advertising and media executive.  Bonn has developed a unique, integrated, and interdisciplinary theory called “critical communication” to explain how and why political elites and the news media periodically create public panics that benefit both parties.  Facebook link

A Strange Stirring:  The Feminine Mystique and American Women at the Dawn of the l960s

A Strange Stirring: The Feminine Mystique and American Women at the Dawn of the l960s” is the title of Stephanie Coontz’s new book.  It’s based on postwar gender roles and nearly 200 interviews with women and men who read Betty Friendan’s The Feminine Mystique in 1963.  The Feminine Mystique is a passionate account of “the problem with no name” the malaise, emptiness and frustration afflicting white middle class wives and mothers in a time of post war abundance.

Stephanie Coontz:

  • There were so many myths of who Betty Friedan was and she contributed to it herself.
  • Daniel Horowitz did a book her own political history. She was a star psychology student at Smith.
  • She has already developed her critique of Freudiasim which was so prevalent those days.
  • She didn’t invent the “feminine mystique.” Physicians had a name for it, the housewives syndrome.
  • You have been denied access of any sort of meaning in your own life.
  • The Feminine Mystique sold 3 million copies.
  • I have 188 interviews with men and women who read the book. I had to winnow it down to 188 because I kept getting calls and emails from people who swore that they read the book.
  • When you went to college in the 1920s you were already defined in your role as a woman.
  • What’s wrong with me that I don’t feel more grateful for my priviledges?
  • Telling yourself that you don’t have the right to be unhappy, doesn’t solve it, it turns it in to that kind of depression. Incredible discrimination against working women. You could get fired if you got married, turned 30 or were in the airline industry.
  • Stay at home housewives didn’t have rights either, there were only 8 states that recognized a wife’s interest in the property or earnings that her husband accumulated.
  • One of the big triumphs of feminism is that much of Friedan’s book is so dated.
  • Today, young women in their twenties in metropolitan areas out earn men because they have more education.
  • Young men as you know are falling behind. Cross cutting currents of inequality that are much more complex.
  • The women that are having the most difficult time are the women that would prefer to be homemakers but have had to take a low quality job and whose husbands do not help out at home.
  • The happiest women are the ones that prefer to work, have a high quality job and a husband that helps out at home.
  • There are things in Betty Friedan’s book I find repellent. I find her failure to deal with her own elitism very disconcerting, but she is not a me-first individualist.

Guest – Stephanie Coontz, teaches history and family studies at The Evergreen State College in Olympia, WA. She also serves as Co-Chair and Director of Public Education at the Council on Contemporary Families, a non-profit, nonpartisan association of family researchers and practitioners based at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Her work has been featured in many newspapers such as The New York Times, as well as scholarly journals such as Journal of Marriage and Family.

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